This is a tribute post to Whitney Houston, who certainly does have one of the greatest voices that the world has ever witnessed. I have always kept Whitney in my back pocket as one of those singers who are simple the very definition of music. I remember as a little boy listening to Whitney on music videos, rocking back and forth with the sounds and lyrics of "How Will I know," , "Saving All My Love," and the very classic, " The Greatest Love of All." Whitney was like my big sister, and like my sister she went for the bad boys/thugs. I have blogged about this before, but there is absolutely something about middle class s from good families who go for the thugs.... Someone should expound on that.... I am very glad that Whitney is back and look forward to hearing the entire album. Kudos for a brilliant remise of her career!
A collage of personal, political,cultural, and historical commentary from the thought processes of Brandon Wallace.
Friday, September 18, 2009
Love For Whitney
This is a tribute post to Whitney Houston, who certainly does have one of the greatest voices that the world has ever witnessed. I have always kept Whitney in my back pocket as one of those singers who are simple the very definition of music. I remember as a little boy listening to Whitney on music videos, rocking back and forth with the sounds and lyrics of "How Will I know," , "Saving All My Love," and the very classic, " The Greatest Love of All." Whitney was like my big sister, and like my sister she went for the bad boys/thugs. I have blogged about this before, but there is absolutely something about middle class s from good families who go for the thugs.... Someone should expound on that.... I am very glad that Whitney is back and look forward to hearing the entire album. Kudos for a brilliant remise of her career!
Thursday, September 10, 2009
Wednesday, September 09, 2009
From Jane Fonda
So– I wake up this morning to a barrage of emails giving me a link to a web posting that has been widely picked up. It says that Rabbi Hier at the Simon Wiesenthal Center (he and I were friends—I thought) claims I support the destruction of Israel because I signed (along with many other artists, historians, including eight Israelis, mostly filmmakers) a petition protesting the Toronto International Film Festival’s decision to feature a celebratory “spotlight” on Tel Aviv. We understand that by doing this the festival has become, whether knowingly or not, a participant in a cynical PR campaign to improve Israel’s image, make her appear less war-like. The Israeli Consul General said a year ago that Toronto would be the launch site of an extensive “Brand Israel” campaign. Artists and others of us who love Israel do not want art to be used to whitewash the tragedies committed against Palestinians, most recently in last winter’s terrible war in Gaza (1400 Palestinians dead, mostly civilians, many more wounded, and there are documented human rights violations) and the ongoing blockade of Gaza that is deepening a serious humanitarian crisis, wreaking havoc on the lives of innocent people, and preventing reconstruction in the aftermath of the attack.
The letter we signed did not —repeat: DID NOT–call for a boycott of any part of the Toronto Film Festival. In fact, many of the people who signed the letter are showing films there and many of the Israeli filmmakers that go to the festival show films critical of Israel. We protest the use of Tel Aviv to rebrand Israel. We are standing up for integrity of art, not censoring anyone. The letter certainly did not call for the destruction of Israel or call into question the legitimacy of Tel Aviv as a city. But In the year when Gaza happened there shouldn’t be a celebratory spotlight on Tel Aviv.
I have been to Israel many times. The first was in the early 1980s and it was love at first sight…for the country and for its people. I stayed in a Kibbutz with the great Israeli novelist, Amos Oz, and his family. I raised money for a senior center in Haifa, for a girl’s shelter in Jerusalem. I have spoken at the Hebrew University. I traveled into Lebanon with the Israeli army in 1981. I went deep into Russia in the 80s to secretly meet with Soviet Refusenik, Ida Nudel, after which I a national speaking tour in the U. S. to build support for letting Ida go to Israel where she now lives. In other words, I have been intimately involved with Israel over 3 decades. On almost every visit I also went into the West Bank, met with Palestinian artists, visited Palestinian refugee camps, drove through the Israeli settlements that encroach increasingly into Palestinian territory. I have seen suffering on both sides. It is out of love for Israel and all that it promised to be that I protest the use of art (which is meant to search for truth) in this branding campaign. The greatest “re-branding” of Israel would be to celebrate that country’s robust peace movement by allowing aid to be delivered to Gaza and stopping expansion of the settlements. That’s the way to show Israel’s commitment to peace, not a PR campaign. There will be no two-state solution unless this happens.
The letter we signed did not —repeat: DID NOT–call for a boycott of any part of the Toronto Film Festival. In fact, many of the people who signed the letter are showing films there and many of the Israeli filmmakers that go to the festival show films critical of Israel. We protest the use of Tel Aviv to rebrand Israel. We are standing up for integrity of art, not censoring anyone. The letter certainly did not call for the destruction of Israel or call into question the legitimacy of Tel Aviv as a city. But In the year when Gaza happened there shouldn’t be a celebratory spotlight on Tel Aviv.
I have been to Israel many times. The first was in the early 1980s and it was love at first sight…for the country and for its people. I stayed in a Kibbutz with the great Israeli novelist, Amos Oz, and his family. I raised money for a senior center in Haifa, for a girl’s shelter in Jerusalem. I have spoken at the Hebrew University. I traveled into Lebanon with the Israeli army in 1981. I went deep into Russia in the 80s to secretly meet with Soviet Refusenik, Ida Nudel, after which I a national speaking tour in the U. S. to build support for letting Ida go to Israel where she now lives. In other words, I have been intimately involved with Israel over 3 decades. On almost every visit I also went into the West Bank, met with Palestinian artists, visited Palestinian refugee camps, drove through the Israeli settlements that encroach increasingly into Palestinian territory. I have seen suffering on both sides. It is out of love for Israel and all that it promised to be that I protest the use of art (which is meant to search for truth) in this branding campaign. The greatest “re-branding” of Israel would be to celebrate that country’s robust peace movement by allowing aid to be delivered to Gaza and stopping expansion of the settlements. That’s the way to show Israel’s commitment to peace, not a PR campaign. There will be no two-state solution unless this happens.
Tuesday, September 08, 2009
SNMA HealthCare Reform Rally at the Capitol in Montgomery
The Student National Medical Association Healthcare Reform rally held at the state capitol in Montgomery, Alabama this past Sunday was phenomenal! They had a great health fair that was attended by community people and then proceeded to have a great concert/street party on the steps of the capitol! A first was acheived as I am sure that there has never been a group of people doing "the butt" on the steps of the Alabama State capitol in history. I will post the pictures I took.
Monday, September 07, 2009
Thursday, September 3, 2009 REMEMBERING PAUL ROBESON 60 YEARS AFTER THE PEEKSKILL RIOTS
Harry Targ
On September 4, 1949, an angry crowd surrounded the 20,000 friends of Paul Robeson who had come to hear him in an open-air concert at Peekskill, New York. After the event right-wing, anti-communist inspired mobs attacked supporters who were leaving the event. These attacks included smashing the windows of Pete Seeger’s automobile with several family members inside. Sixty years later we remember the great progressive Paul Robeson, his struggles for justice, and his refusal to bow to the politics of reaction.
The Young Robeson
One of the giants of the twentieth century, a citizen of the world, an actor/singer and activist for justice, Paul Robeson has been virtually erased from popular consciousness, a victim of the vicious anti-communist hysteria of the 1940s and 1950s.
Paul Robeson, an African-American, was born to Maria Louis Bustill and William Drew Robeson in Princeton, New Jersey in 1898, 33 years after the close of the civil war and two years after the United States Supreme Court declared in Plessy vs. Ferguson that separate institutions for Black and white people were constitutional. New Jersey, while not segregated to the extent of the deep South, was hostile to the rights of Black people.
Robeson was born into a family with a long-standing commitment to struggle for justice. His mother’s ancestors participated in the underground railroad, bringing escaped slaves from the South to the North. Her family included ministers, teachers, and artisans in the Northern free Black community. His father was a slave who escaped to the north and joined the Union army. As a minister educated at Lincoln University, Robeson’s father defended the rights of Black people in the New Jersey communities where he worked.
Many years later when he was politically active, Robeson would refer to the experiences of his people struggling against slavery and oppression to be free. He likened the struggles of his ancestors to the Black people of his day, and also to factory workers seeking labor rights, and peoples all round the world who were struggling to overthrow European colonial empires.
The young Robeson studied hard, was coached in elocution by his demanding father and performed so well in school that he was admitted to Rutgers University in 1915, only the third Black ever to enter that institution. Robeson graduated in 1919 as valedictorian, champion debater, and two-time All-American first-team football selection.
Robeson attended law school at Columbia University from 1919-1923 but decided against a law career because of the racism he faced at a preeminent New York law firm.
While he attended law school, Robeson began appearing in plays and found his way to the influential Provincetown Players of Greenwich Village. Robeson’s artistic career was successfully launched by his performances in two of Eugene O’Neill’s most important and controversial plays, “All God’s Chillun Got Wings” and “Emperor Jones.” From there his reputation and visibility spread.
By the late 1920s, he appeared in “Porgy,” “Stevedore” and “Showboat,” where he sang “Old Man River,” a song that would have deep political significance for him later on. On tour in Europe in the late 1920s and starring in a London production of “Othello,” in 1930, Robeson had become a star of worldwide proportions. During the 1930s, he would appear in eleven films, mostly British productions, further solidifying his global reputation as an actor.
As his reputation was soaring in the theatre of the 1920s, Robeson came to the realization that the rich musical heritage of his people, then called Negro Spirituals, needed to be celebrated and performed. He thus launched a singing career that would be his most enduring contribution to U.S. culture and, at the same time, would serve as a vehicle for him to participate in the struggle of Black people to achieve their freedom from racism and Jim Crow segregation. Over the next thirty years, he would learn at least a dozen languages and would celebrate the musical traditions of peoples from Africa, Asia, the Middle East, Europe, and Latin America, as well as the United States.
The Politicization of Paul Robeson
By the mid-1930s, Robeson’s outlook concerning the world around him and how the artist must relate to that world had changed significantly. Always aware of racism and segregation, Robeson began to see the oppression of his people as similar and related to the world of anti-Semitism, colonialism, worker exploitation, and attacks on the first socialist state, the Soviet Union.
Leaving a London theatre after a performance of Showboat in 1928, Robeson encountered a massive march of Welsh miners who had come all the way from Wales to demand better wages and working conditions. Robeson spoke to their group and joined their struggle. The mutual love and respect Robeson and the Welsh miners developed for each other would last for the rest of his life.
But it was the escalating Spanish Civil war, fascist armies fighting to overthrow a democratically elected government, that led Robeson to declare his commitment to political struggle on behalf of the dispossessed. In a speech given before the National Joint Committee for Spanish Relief at Royal Albert Hall on June 24, 1937 he proclaimed: “I have longed to see my talent contributing in an unmistakably clear manner to the cause of humanity. Every artist, every scientist, must decide NOW where he stands. He has no alternative.” The artist he said “must elect to fight for freedom or slavery.”
Robeson spoke out for workers, walked their picket lines, and sang to gatherings of trade unionists in auto, steel, shipping, meat packing, electrical, and mining industries who were demanding the right to form unions during the massive organizing drives of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). He sang of that great IWW labor singer/ organizer, “Joe Hill.” And he sang songs championing racial justice.
Red Scares
After World War II, Robeson met with President Truman and demanded that he take a stand against segregation and support anti-lynching legislation in the South. He already had spoken out against the exclusion of Blacks from major league baseball. Opposing the Cold War and Truman’s refusal to stand against segregation in the South, Robeson joined the campaign of third party candidate Henry Wallace, of the Progressive Party of America, who was running for president in 1948.
Robeson had often visited the Soviet Union, befriended the great Soviet film maker Eisenstein and had spoken with admiration about what appeared to be the lack of racism there. After World War II and as the Cold War was heating up, the U.S. government and rightwing groups launched a campaign to stifle the voice of Paul Robeson because of his sympathies for the Soviet Union and his strong advocacy for racial justice in the United States. He was called to testify before the House Committee on Un-American Activities. Thugs vandalized and beat attendees at the summer Robeson concert in Peekskill, New York. Government agents pressured concert impresarios to stop sponsoring Robeson concerts. And when his public access to audiences declined in the 1950s, even Black churches were pressured to cancel Robeson visits. The centerpiece of the effort to muzzle Robeson was the decision of the State Department to revoke his passport in 1950. He was forbidden to leave the United States even though he still was a beloved worldwide figure. His passport was not reinstated until 1958 when the Supreme Court ruled that the State Department did not have the right to confiscate the passports of citizens..
Despite his not being able to travel, working people around the world continued to support Robeson. Canadian trade unionists from 1952 through 1955 organized four Robeson concerts at the border between the state of Washington and Canada. Robeson performed from the U.S. side and Canadian workers listened to his music from their side. Robeson welcomed the Canadian workers at the 1952 concert singing his signature song, “Old Man River,” from Showboat. He sang the lyrics he had revised from the original version in the 1928 musical-from stereotyping of Black people as docile to Black people as fighters for their freedom. Robeson began to insert the newer progressive lyrics in the 1930s when his own political consciousness had begun to change and for the rest of his life he saw the new lyrics as emblematic of his own political transformation.
In 1957, Welsh miners organized a chorus in a London studio and sang to Robeson listening in New York using the then new long distance telephone lines. They always remembered his support for their struggle and they wanted to demonstrate to him and the world their opposition to the efforts of the United States to stifle the voice of Paul Robeson.
After Robeson’s passport was reissued he resumed worldwide travel in the late 1950s. He fell ill in 1961, returned to the United States and for the most part retired from public life.
Robeson believed that peoples everywhere shared common musical forms and common struggles: workers, peoples of color, colonized peoples, women. He celebrated their differences but insisted on their human oneness. Perhaps we need to rediscover that vision again today. He died in 1976 but his spirited call for human solidarity is just as precious today as it was in his lifetime. And, as at Peekskill, those who support human solidarity must be prepared to “hold the line” against reaction.
"Hold The Line”:
Let me tell you the story of a line that was held,
And many brave men and women whose courage we know well,
How we held the line at Peekskill on that long September day!
We will hold the line forever till the people have their way.
Hold the line!Hold the line!
As we held the line at Peekskill
We will hold it everywhere.
Hold the line!Hold the line!
We will hold the line forever
Till there’s freedom ev’rywhere.
Words by Lee Hays; Music by Pete Seeger (1949)
Please visit my blog:
www.heartlandradical.blogspot.com
On September 4, 1949, an angry crowd surrounded the 20,000 friends of Paul Robeson who had come to hear him in an open-air concert at Peekskill, New York. After the event right-wing, anti-communist inspired mobs attacked supporters who were leaving the event. These attacks included smashing the windows of Pete Seeger’s automobile with several family members inside. Sixty years later we remember the great progressive Paul Robeson, his struggles for justice, and his refusal to bow to the politics of reaction.
The Young Robeson
One of the giants of the twentieth century, a citizen of the world, an actor/singer and activist for justice, Paul Robeson has been virtually erased from popular consciousness, a victim of the vicious anti-communist hysteria of the 1940s and 1950s.
Paul Robeson, an African-American, was born to Maria Louis Bustill and William Drew Robeson in Princeton, New Jersey in 1898, 33 years after the close of the civil war and two years after the United States Supreme Court declared in Plessy vs. Ferguson that separate institutions for Black and white people were constitutional. New Jersey, while not segregated to the extent of the deep South, was hostile to the rights of Black people.
Robeson was born into a family with a long-standing commitment to struggle for justice. His mother’s ancestors participated in the underground railroad, bringing escaped slaves from the South to the North. Her family included ministers, teachers, and artisans in the Northern free Black community. His father was a slave who escaped to the north and joined the Union army. As a minister educated at Lincoln University, Robeson’s father defended the rights of Black people in the New Jersey communities where he worked.
Many years later when he was politically active, Robeson would refer to the experiences of his people struggling against slavery and oppression to be free. He likened the struggles of his ancestors to the Black people of his day, and also to factory workers seeking labor rights, and peoples all round the world who were struggling to overthrow European colonial empires.
The young Robeson studied hard, was coached in elocution by his demanding father and performed so well in school that he was admitted to Rutgers University in 1915, only the third Black ever to enter that institution. Robeson graduated in 1919 as valedictorian, champion debater, and two-time All-American first-team football selection.
Robeson attended law school at Columbia University from 1919-1923 but decided against a law career because of the racism he faced at a preeminent New York law firm.
While he attended law school, Robeson began appearing in plays and found his way to the influential Provincetown Players of Greenwich Village. Robeson’s artistic career was successfully launched by his performances in two of Eugene O’Neill’s most important and controversial plays, “All God’s Chillun Got Wings” and “Emperor Jones.” From there his reputation and visibility spread.
By the late 1920s, he appeared in “Porgy,” “Stevedore” and “Showboat,” where he sang “Old Man River,” a song that would have deep political significance for him later on. On tour in Europe in the late 1920s and starring in a London production of “Othello,” in 1930, Robeson had become a star of worldwide proportions. During the 1930s, he would appear in eleven films, mostly British productions, further solidifying his global reputation as an actor.
As his reputation was soaring in the theatre of the 1920s, Robeson came to the realization that the rich musical heritage of his people, then called Negro Spirituals, needed to be celebrated and performed. He thus launched a singing career that would be his most enduring contribution to U.S. culture and, at the same time, would serve as a vehicle for him to participate in the struggle of Black people to achieve their freedom from racism and Jim Crow segregation. Over the next thirty years, he would learn at least a dozen languages and would celebrate the musical traditions of peoples from Africa, Asia, the Middle East, Europe, and Latin America, as well as the United States.
The Politicization of Paul Robeson
By the mid-1930s, Robeson’s outlook concerning the world around him and how the artist must relate to that world had changed significantly. Always aware of racism and segregation, Robeson began to see the oppression of his people as similar and related to the world of anti-Semitism, colonialism, worker exploitation, and attacks on the first socialist state, the Soviet Union.
Leaving a London theatre after a performance of Showboat in 1928, Robeson encountered a massive march of Welsh miners who had come all the way from Wales to demand better wages and working conditions. Robeson spoke to their group and joined their struggle. The mutual love and respect Robeson and the Welsh miners developed for each other would last for the rest of his life.
But it was the escalating Spanish Civil war, fascist armies fighting to overthrow a democratically elected government, that led Robeson to declare his commitment to political struggle on behalf of the dispossessed. In a speech given before the National Joint Committee for Spanish Relief at Royal Albert Hall on June 24, 1937 he proclaimed: “I have longed to see my talent contributing in an unmistakably clear manner to the cause of humanity. Every artist, every scientist, must decide NOW where he stands. He has no alternative.” The artist he said “must elect to fight for freedom or slavery.”
Robeson spoke out for workers, walked their picket lines, and sang to gatherings of trade unionists in auto, steel, shipping, meat packing, electrical, and mining industries who were demanding the right to form unions during the massive organizing drives of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). He sang of that great IWW labor singer/ organizer, “Joe Hill.” And he sang songs championing racial justice.
Red Scares
After World War II, Robeson met with President Truman and demanded that he take a stand against segregation and support anti-lynching legislation in the South. He already had spoken out against the exclusion of Blacks from major league baseball. Opposing the Cold War and Truman’s refusal to stand against segregation in the South, Robeson joined the campaign of third party candidate Henry Wallace, of the Progressive Party of America, who was running for president in 1948.
Robeson had often visited the Soviet Union, befriended the great Soviet film maker Eisenstein and had spoken with admiration about what appeared to be the lack of racism there. After World War II and as the Cold War was heating up, the U.S. government and rightwing groups launched a campaign to stifle the voice of Paul Robeson because of his sympathies for the Soviet Union and his strong advocacy for racial justice in the United States. He was called to testify before the House Committee on Un-American Activities. Thugs vandalized and beat attendees at the summer Robeson concert in Peekskill, New York. Government agents pressured concert impresarios to stop sponsoring Robeson concerts. And when his public access to audiences declined in the 1950s, even Black churches were pressured to cancel Robeson visits. The centerpiece of the effort to muzzle Robeson was the decision of the State Department to revoke his passport in 1950. He was forbidden to leave the United States even though he still was a beloved worldwide figure. His passport was not reinstated until 1958 when the Supreme Court ruled that the State Department did not have the right to confiscate the passports of citizens..
Despite his not being able to travel, working people around the world continued to support Robeson. Canadian trade unionists from 1952 through 1955 organized four Robeson concerts at the border between the state of Washington and Canada. Robeson performed from the U.S. side and Canadian workers listened to his music from their side. Robeson welcomed the Canadian workers at the 1952 concert singing his signature song, “Old Man River,” from Showboat. He sang the lyrics he had revised from the original version in the 1928 musical-from stereotyping of Black people as docile to Black people as fighters for their freedom. Robeson began to insert the newer progressive lyrics in the 1930s when his own political consciousness had begun to change and for the rest of his life he saw the new lyrics as emblematic of his own political transformation.
In 1957, Welsh miners organized a chorus in a London studio and sang to Robeson listening in New York using the then new long distance telephone lines. They always remembered his support for their struggle and they wanted to demonstrate to him and the world their opposition to the efforts of the United States to stifle the voice of Paul Robeson.
After Robeson’s passport was reissued he resumed worldwide travel in the late 1950s. He fell ill in 1961, returned to the United States and for the most part retired from public life.
Robeson believed that peoples everywhere shared common musical forms and common struggles: workers, peoples of color, colonized peoples, women. He celebrated their differences but insisted on their human oneness. Perhaps we need to rediscover that vision again today. He died in 1976 but his spirited call for human solidarity is just as precious today as it was in his lifetime. And, as at Peekskill, those who support human solidarity must be prepared to “hold the line” against reaction.
"Hold The Line”:
Let me tell you the story of a line that was held,
And many brave men and women whose courage we know well,
How we held the line at Peekskill on that long September day!
We will hold the line forever till the people have their way.
Hold the line!Hold the line!
As we held the line at Peekskill
We will hold it everywhere.
Hold the line!Hold the line!
We will hold the line forever
Till there’s freedom ev’rywhere.
Words by Lee Hays; Music by Pete Seeger (1949)
Please visit my blog:
www.heartlandradical.blogspot.com
Monday, August 31, 2009
Interview with Joe Hubbard
A friend of mine, Joe Hubbard, a classmate from Huntingdon, is running for the Alabama State House from his home district which is based in the neighborhood of Cloverdale in Montgomery, Alabama. He recently agreed to do an interview with me for JuliusSpeaks. Here is what transpired.
1. What is the district you are running to represent? What are its parameters?
I am running for Alabama House of Representatives, District 73. The District extends from Cloverdale, east along I-85 to Taylor Road, runs south on Taylor Road to the Troy Hwy, the runs west to the Southern Blvd and on up Woodley Road. It encompasses many of Montgomery's neighborhoods, and includes a broad cross-section of our city's population.
2. How will your efforts in representing your district positively affect the city of Montgomery as a whole?
Montgomery is at its best when it has elected officials at all levels working together for the best interest of the people. We have seen our public officials in county and municipal governments work together to bring in Hyundai and other business and industries that have strengthened our local economy and helped our city weather the current economic climate. If our state officials collaborated with our local officials on issues such as these, we will continue to see positive results, not just in economic development but in education as well.
3. As a representative of the city of Montgomery, what would you do to improve upon the public transportation system that has been renewed in Montgomery in the past few years?
Our public transportation system in Montgomery has never been a priority for our elected officials because it has been seen as an issue that impacts only a segment of our population. But, to ignore this issue only disadvantages our city as a whole. Public transportation has a direct bearing, not just on those who cannot drive, but also on our local economy. Our city had the first electric rail system in the Country, and a light-rail transportation system in our city, today, will not only cut down on traffic and congestion but it will also give our citizens affordable and practical access to jobs and retail throughout Montgomery.
4. As a member of the Alabama State House, how would you vote in regards to such issues as legalized gambling?
Gambling is a moral issue that must be decided locally. Each county should have the opportunity to determine whether any gaming operations will be allowed within its borders. The gaming operations that are permitted to conduct business, however, must be taxed and regulated at a State-level. The gaming industry is the only industry in this State that does not pay taxes and is not subject to regulation. That must change if we are to move our State forward.
5. How would you go about improving the economy in the city of Montgomery, particularly for west side of Montgomery and those areas that have historically lagged behind the rest of the city in terms of development?
If we want to see the underdeveloped portions of our city thrive, we must invest in them. Only a few years ago, people complained that downtown was an eyesore and was increasingly dangerous. With some investment and infrastructure, downtown is becoming an attractive destination for businesses and citizens, alike. We must begin to invest in our underdeveloped neighborhoods, as we have in downtown. Our city is only as good as its least developed neighborhood, so we need to focus on infrastructure projects like the outer loop and a revitalized public transportation system to bring all parts of our city into the 21st century.
6. There are two sides of Fairview Avenue. One side of Fairview is a very nice, well-kept street. The other shows sign of economic depravation. How will you go about correcting this imbalanced picture?
To the extent you are talking about “East-West Fairview,” see number 5. To the extent you are talking about “North-South Fairview,” we must continue to provide the neighborhood associations the support they need to strengthen those communities. I live south of Fairview, and on the south-side, we may not have the fancy houses that line the north side of the street, but we take pride in our neighborhood. Critical to any city are strong neighborhood associations, and our neighborhood association is one of the more active associations on this side of town. Our neighborhood associations must have the support of our local officials if they are to continue to thrive and strengthen our neighborhoods.
7. Do you believe that public transportation is a right or a privilege?
Honestly, I think the whole "right/privilege" debate is misplaced on a lot of issues. The rights vs. privileges debate ends up dividing people who might otherwise agree that proposal at issue could better serve the social AND economic needs of the people. Although I have never heard it put in terms of right vs. privilege, public transportation fits that mold exactly. It is an issue that addresses the social needs of our community, but that, when done right, just makes economic sense.
8. What is the platform that you are running on?
It is time we begin the hard work of building a Montgomery that our children can come home to, a Montgomery with schools that will educate their children and jobs that will support their families. We must have an education system that focuses on investing in the programs that work and reinvesting wasteful expenditures were they are most effective, and we must have economic development that will attract businesses and industries that provide strong and stable jobs to lift our local economy. By the same token, we must have restore trust and confidence to our public offices with meaningful reform of the way business is conducted in our Statehouse. These three priorities that are the key to a better Montgomery and a more prosperous Alabama.
9. Would you encourage Jeff Sessions, Richard Shelby, and others in the congressional delegation from Alabama to cooperate President Obama in his efforts to reform the healthcare system in this country?
Absolutely. Healthcare is not a Democratic issue or a Republican issue; it is a people issue. And, it is going to take all of our congressional delegation, Democrats and Republicans, working together to find a common solution to an issue that affects all Alabamians.
10. What distinguishes you from other candidates in this race or from other politicians in the state of Alabama?
I am not a politician. I am a life-long resident of Montgomery who is committed to raising his family in this city. I cannot afford to wait on the career politicians to solve the issues that directly impact our families and our future. Our State is living on borrowed time and borrowed money because those career politicians lack the courage to tackle the tough issues. Issues like education, ethics reform, and economic development are not going to resolve themselves, and we need a citizen lawmaker representing Montgomery who is in the business of solutions, not soundbites.
11. Do you have any comments that you would like to leave us with?
I inherited my commitment to public service from my great-grandfather, and namesake, Joseph Lister Hill, an Alabama Congressman and Senator for nearly a half-century. Like my great-grandfather, I understand that good government is not about political parties; it is about people, and good government is responsive to the needs of all people of all parties. I intend to bring to the Statehouse a spirit of cooperation and statesmanship that will that will put our government back to work for each and every one of us.
12. Thanks for agreeing to this, Joe.
1. What is the district you are running to represent? What are its parameters?
I am running for Alabama House of Representatives, District 73. The District extends from Cloverdale, east along I-85 to Taylor Road, runs south on Taylor Road to the Troy Hwy, the runs west to the Southern Blvd and on up Woodley Road. It encompasses many of Montgomery's neighborhoods, and includes a broad cross-section of our city's population.
2. How will your efforts in representing your district positively affect the city of Montgomery as a whole?
Montgomery is at its best when it has elected officials at all levels working together for the best interest of the people. We have seen our public officials in county and municipal governments work together to bring in Hyundai and other business and industries that have strengthened our local economy and helped our city weather the current economic climate. If our state officials collaborated with our local officials on issues such as these, we will continue to see positive results, not just in economic development but in education as well.
3. As a representative of the city of Montgomery, what would you do to improve upon the public transportation system that has been renewed in Montgomery in the past few years?
Our public transportation system in Montgomery has never been a priority for our elected officials because it has been seen as an issue that impacts only a segment of our population. But, to ignore this issue only disadvantages our city as a whole. Public transportation has a direct bearing, not just on those who cannot drive, but also on our local economy. Our city had the first electric rail system in the Country, and a light-rail transportation system in our city, today, will not only cut down on traffic and congestion but it will also give our citizens affordable and practical access to jobs and retail throughout Montgomery.
4. As a member of the Alabama State House, how would you vote in regards to such issues as legalized gambling?
Gambling is a moral issue that must be decided locally. Each county should have the opportunity to determine whether any gaming operations will be allowed within its borders. The gaming operations that are permitted to conduct business, however, must be taxed and regulated at a State-level. The gaming industry is the only industry in this State that does not pay taxes and is not subject to regulation. That must change if we are to move our State forward.
5. How would you go about improving the economy in the city of Montgomery, particularly for west side of Montgomery and those areas that have historically lagged behind the rest of the city in terms of development?
If we want to see the underdeveloped portions of our city thrive, we must invest in them. Only a few years ago, people complained that downtown was an eyesore and was increasingly dangerous. With some investment and infrastructure, downtown is becoming an attractive destination for businesses and citizens, alike. We must begin to invest in our underdeveloped neighborhoods, as we have in downtown. Our city is only as good as its least developed neighborhood, so we need to focus on infrastructure projects like the outer loop and a revitalized public transportation system to bring all parts of our city into the 21st century.
6. There are two sides of Fairview Avenue. One side of Fairview is a very nice, well-kept street. The other shows sign of economic depravation. How will you go about correcting this imbalanced picture?
To the extent you are talking about “East-West Fairview,” see number 5. To the extent you are talking about “North-South Fairview,” we must continue to provide the neighborhood associations the support they need to strengthen those communities. I live south of Fairview, and on the south-side, we may not have the fancy houses that line the north side of the street, but we take pride in our neighborhood. Critical to any city are strong neighborhood associations, and our neighborhood association is one of the more active associations on this side of town. Our neighborhood associations must have the support of our local officials if they are to continue to thrive and strengthen our neighborhoods.
7. Do you believe that public transportation is a right or a privilege?
Honestly, I think the whole "right/privilege" debate is misplaced on a lot of issues. The rights vs. privileges debate ends up dividing people who might otherwise agree that proposal at issue could better serve the social AND economic needs of the people. Although I have never heard it put in terms of right vs. privilege, public transportation fits that mold exactly. It is an issue that addresses the social needs of our community, but that, when done right, just makes economic sense.
8. What is the platform that you are running on?
It is time we begin the hard work of building a Montgomery that our children can come home to, a Montgomery with schools that will educate their children and jobs that will support their families. We must have an education system that focuses on investing in the programs that work and reinvesting wasteful expenditures were they are most effective, and we must have economic development that will attract businesses and industries that provide strong and stable jobs to lift our local economy. By the same token, we must have restore trust and confidence to our public offices with meaningful reform of the way business is conducted in our Statehouse. These three priorities that are the key to a better Montgomery and a more prosperous Alabama.
9. Would you encourage Jeff Sessions, Richard Shelby, and others in the congressional delegation from Alabama to cooperate President Obama in his efforts to reform the healthcare system in this country?
Absolutely. Healthcare is not a Democratic issue or a Republican issue; it is a people issue. And, it is going to take all of our congressional delegation, Democrats and Republicans, working together to find a common solution to an issue that affects all Alabamians.
10. What distinguishes you from other candidates in this race or from other politicians in the state of Alabama?
I am not a politician. I am a life-long resident of Montgomery who is committed to raising his family in this city. I cannot afford to wait on the career politicians to solve the issues that directly impact our families and our future. Our State is living on borrowed time and borrowed money because those career politicians lack the courage to tackle the tough issues. Issues like education, ethics reform, and economic development are not going to resolve themselves, and we need a citizen lawmaker representing Montgomery who is in the business of solutions, not soundbites.
11. Do you have any comments that you would like to leave us with?
I inherited my commitment to public service from my great-grandfather, and namesake, Joseph Lister Hill, an Alabama Congressman and Senator for nearly a half-century. Like my great-grandfather, I understand that good government is not about political parties; it is about people, and good government is responsive to the needs of all people of all parties. I intend to bring to the Statehouse a spirit of cooperation and statesmanship that will that will put our government back to work for each and every one of us.
12. Thanks for agreeing to this, Joe.
Sunday, August 30, 2009
Saturday, August 29, 2009
Thoughts While Watching Hairspray....Again....
The mainstream definitely coopted our popular institutions....those things that once were sacred to us...the colored, the queer, the others....were not deemed as important or worthy of honor by the powers that be during and before the revolutions of the 1960s and 70s....The Apollo...drag balls...vogue....R&B....our pageants...our clubs, societies, cultural events and institutions.....these were dismissed by the mainstream...only to now be bought and sold with magnificent advertising campaigns.
Wednesday, August 26, 2009
The lion is dead....Azlan...where is Azlan?....Our hope has broken and shattered into a million pieces....will it reappear after this long night of the moon?
Tuesday, August 25, 2009
Monday, August 24, 2009
The Lynching of Cynthia McKinney
Read this enlightening article about the extent to which the effort to malign and defame Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney was extremely organized and coordinated.Everyone with two brain cells knew that Cynthia McKinney was set up and purposefully ousted from congress because of her outspokenness against the war and her demand that George Bush be held accountable for his crimes. We must help her to expose these bastards as well as bring light and justice to this scheme that sought to maintain the vile and evil that the Bush administration brought forth into the world.
Sunday, August 23, 2009
My Labor Legacy, Parts 1&2
This article is about the legacy that has been handed to me in terms of traditions and history from my family. It serves as an example and a compass for me. Firstly, I should start, I suppose, by stating that both of my grandmothers were school teachers. My paternal grandmother graduated from Spelman College and taught in Chicago. My maternal grandmother graduated from Alabama State University and began her career in Autauga County Alabama, her home county, teaching under the auspices of her uncle, Macaulay, or "Fess" as he was known, "Goodson, my great-grandmother's brother. He was the principal at the school where she taught at as well as the JEANES agent for Autauga County for a time. In Autauga County, there were two men known as Fess. There was Fess Goodson, my great-grandmother's older brother, and there was Sterling James MacDavid, my aunt Bertie's husband, who was also called Fess. Aunt Bertie was my grandmother's sister. My grandmother's oldest sister, Earnestine, and her first cousin, Madeira, also served as principals in Autauga county. My grandmother also briefly served as a principal.
"Fess" MacDavid served as principal of the Autauga County Training School( the school for Blacks) for fifty years, in which time Autaugaville, as it is now known, was the best school in the county, white or Black. Fess MacDavid was a revered man and still is. He was highly respected, well-renowned, as well as hated by some. Fess had new textbooks when he wanted them, new typewriters and other equipment, and would bring professors from Tuskegee and other places to Autauga County to not only teach his students, but the entire community about new methods in farming and other essential skills. The number of Ph.D's, medical doctors, theologians, school teachers, and other professionals who grew under his tutelage is astounding. My grandmother and all of her sisters and brothers went to school under his tutelage as well. They all went to school, received degrees, and taught and did other things.
It is said that Fess also had dealings with the NAACP during the time that the NAACP was illegal in the state of Alabama. It was because of this, along with some other contentious issues that certain whites had with my uncle that after his death in 1961, his relatives were either fired or demoted in the Autauga County school system. My grandmother says that on the day of Fess' funeral, the white superintendent came to the house that my Aunt Bertie lived in with Fess, which was the principal's home on the campus of Autaugaville, and told my aunt that she could "stay in the principal's home if she liked, if she could get her sister, meaning my grandmother, to stay with her. Now, it was known that this superintendent, Mr. Hodges, liked Black women and that many Black school teachers slept with him in order to keep their jobs, get jobs, or get their husbands jobs. My grandmother said that my Aunt Bertie started packing that night and moved back in with her parents. The next week, she was fired from her teaching position. My grandmother was fired shortly thereafter. My aunt Earnestine, who had been a principal for twenty years, was placed back in the classroom.
----------
I should preface this by talking about my grandmother's grandfather, Morgan Goodson. A farmer, a soothsayer, and a man that was touted to "know more about the law than anyone else," it was said of Morgan Goodson that when he took his cotton to the cotton gin to sell it, the ownder of the cotton gin told his employees, "You hurry up and get Morgan Goodson out of here and make sure his accounts are right, because he is a crazy N and you just don't know what he might do....
After the episode in Autauga County, my grandmother first moved to Mobile, where she lived with a cousin and subbed. My mother stayed with her grandparents during this time. My grandmother later moved to New York where she recieved a permanent teaching certificate. Deciding that she did not want to live in New York, she joined my Aunt Johnnie, my Aunt Bertie, and My Uncle Archie, her sisters and brother, who had since moved to Chicago and began teaching there. She would teach there for the remainder of her career.
In Chicago, my grandmother was one of the first three Black teachers sent to integrate the Northside. My grandmother said that when they told her she was going to the Northside, she just said her prayers and went on. When they sent my Aunt Earnestine to the white school in Alabama, she says that she cried like a baby for a week. That first winter that my grandmother taught on the Northside, some high school boys decided that they were going to get the Black teachers who had come to their schools. My grandmother says that she and the other two Black teachers would arrive and leave the school together. One evening as they were leaving the school, some boys were standing on the sidewalk in the direction they had to walk and had made a pile of snowballs that they intended to throw at them. My grandmother said she had had enough. She walked up to those boys and told them, "I did not get up at four o'clock this morning to come over here and have you throw snowballs at me! Not one snowball better hit me or either of these teachers or I swear before god I will tear up the Northside of Chicago and this school with it!" She said those boys dropped those snowballs an ran. She and her colleagues went on their way. Later in her career, when she was about to retire, her principal did something that irritated her. She said she had never taken a sick day and had enough leave that she simply moved back to Alabama and made him pay both her salary and a substitute and did not file for retirement until the following year.
In 1955, my Uncle Lawrence, my grandmother's brother and the oldest of my great-grandparents boys, began his teaching career in Enterprise, Alabama. From the beginning, he was proactive in the school, holding competitive fundraising to have hardwood floors placed in the gym, starting after school programs for the children, and beginning a credit union for the teachers. The superintendent and principal did not like his activities, particularly the last two. When my uncle set about bringing the Head Start program into the Blackbelt region, he said his principal began trying to intimidate him. He said one day, the superintendent came into his classroom while he was teaching and went over to his desk where he was sitting and stood over him, trying to cower over him. My uncle said the man asked him, " Who do you work for?" My uncle replied, "Who do you think I work for?" After a few minutes of this, my uncle said he slid his hand back as if he were going for his drawer where it was known that he kept a knife. He said that man got scared and backed down. My uncle told him, "Don't you ever come into my classroom and speak to me like that again before my children because I will stick my foot so far up your butt you'll wear it home." He said that man got out of his classroom right quick and he never heard from him again.
Later, when my uncle was working for OCAP and the federal government, he was responsible for alleviating poverty in the Blackbelt region as well as fostering integration. He said he went to Atlanta University for training and then conducted sensitivity trainings throughout the region with students and communities. He said that they were some of the most productive experiences of his career. He was given a budget of sixteen thousand dollars for programs to alleviate poverty in the Blackbelt. He took that $16,000 and turned it into millions of dollars that flowed into the Blackbelt. He also founded a teacher's credit union that operates on a budget of over twelve million dollars.
He said that when he was working for OCAP, he had a white secretary. The head of the local Ku Klux Klan did not like this. One night he said he got a call from the grandmaster. The man asked him, "You have a white secretary?" My uncle told him yes. The man asked him, "Don't you travel down -whatever highway-going home at night?" My uncle told him yes. The man asked him, "Well, aren't you scared?" My uncle told him no, because if he wanted to do something he had better come on and bring Jesus with him because if he had to go, he intended to take him with him. He said he always traveled with a gun at his side. When my uncle died, the governor of Alabama sent a letter of condolence to be read at his funeral. In his lifetime, he not only started a credit union, implemented the headstart program in the Blackbelt region along with other social welfare programs, he had also helped to organize the first NAACP chapter in the Blackbelt region. He was recognized by the NAACP for this with an award in 2001.
"Fess" MacDavid served as principal of the Autauga County Training School( the school for Blacks) for fifty years, in which time Autaugaville, as it is now known, was the best school in the county, white or Black. Fess MacDavid was a revered man and still is. He was highly respected, well-renowned, as well as hated by some. Fess had new textbooks when he wanted them, new typewriters and other equipment, and would bring professors from Tuskegee and other places to Autauga County to not only teach his students, but the entire community about new methods in farming and other essential skills. The number of Ph.D's, medical doctors, theologians, school teachers, and other professionals who grew under his tutelage is astounding. My grandmother and all of her sisters and brothers went to school under his tutelage as well. They all went to school, received degrees, and taught and did other things.
It is said that Fess also had dealings with the NAACP during the time that the NAACP was illegal in the state of Alabama. It was because of this, along with some other contentious issues that certain whites had with my uncle that after his death in 1961, his relatives were either fired or demoted in the Autauga County school system. My grandmother says that on the day of Fess' funeral, the white superintendent came to the house that my Aunt Bertie lived in with Fess, which was the principal's home on the campus of Autaugaville, and told my aunt that she could "stay in the principal's home if she liked, if she could get her sister, meaning my grandmother, to stay with her. Now, it was known that this superintendent, Mr. Hodges, liked Black women and that many Black school teachers slept with him in order to keep their jobs, get jobs, or get their husbands jobs. My grandmother said that my Aunt Bertie started packing that night and moved back in with her parents. The next week, she was fired from her teaching position. My grandmother was fired shortly thereafter. My aunt Earnestine, who had been a principal for twenty years, was placed back in the classroom.
----------
I should preface this by talking about my grandmother's grandfather, Morgan Goodson. A farmer, a soothsayer, and a man that was touted to "know more about the law than anyone else," it was said of Morgan Goodson that when he took his cotton to the cotton gin to sell it, the ownder of the cotton gin told his employees, "You hurry up and get Morgan Goodson out of here and make sure his accounts are right, because he is a crazy N and you just don't know what he might do....
After the episode in Autauga County, my grandmother first moved to Mobile, where she lived with a cousin and subbed. My mother stayed with her grandparents during this time. My grandmother later moved to New York where she recieved a permanent teaching certificate. Deciding that she did not want to live in New York, she joined my Aunt Johnnie, my Aunt Bertie, and My Uncle Archie, her sisters and brother, who had since moved to Chicago and began teaching there. She would teach there for the remainder of her career.
In Chicago, my grandmother was one of the first three Black teachers sent to integrate the Northside. My grandmother said that when they told her she was going to the Northside, she just said her prayers and went on. When they sent my Aunt Earnestine to the white school in Alabama, she says that she cried like a baby for a week. That first winter that my grandmother taught on the Northside, some high school boys decided that they were going to get the Black teachers who had come to their schools. My grandmother says that she and the other two Black teachers would arrive and leave the school together. One evening as they were leaving the school, some boys were standing on the sidewalk in the direction they had to walk and had made a pile of snowballs that they intended to throw at them. My grandmother said she had had enough. She walked up to those boys and told them, "I did not get up at four o'clock this morning to come over here and have you throw snowballs at me! Not one snowball better hit me or either of these teachers or I swear before god I will tear up the Northside of Chicago and this school with it!" She said those boys dropped those snowballs an ran. She and her colleagues went on their way. Later in her career, when she was about to retire, her principal did something that irritated her. She said she had never taken a sick day and had enough leave that she simply moved back to Alabama and made him pay both her salary and a substitute and did not file for retirement until the following year.
In 1955, my Uncle Lawrence, my grandmother's brother and the oldest of my great-grandparents boys, began his teaching career in Enterprise, Alabama. From the beginning, he was proactive in the school, holding competitive fundraising to have hardwood floors placed in the gym, starting after school programs for the children, and beginning a credit union for the teachers. The superintendent and principal did not like his activities, particularly the last two. When my uncle set about bringing the Head Start program into the Blackbelt region, he said his principal began trying to intimidate him. He said one day, the superintendent came into his classroom while he was teaching and went over to his desk where he was sitting and stood over him, trying to cower over him. My uncle said the man asked him, " Who do you work for?" My uncle replied, "Who do you think I work for?" After a few minutes of this, my uncle said he slid his hand back as if he were going for his drawer where it was known that he kept a knife. He said that man got scared and backed down. My uncle told him, "Don't you ever come into my classroom and speak to me like that again before my children because I will stick my foot so far up your butt you'll wear it home." He said that man got out of his classroom right quick and he never heard from him again.
Later, when my uncle was working for OCAP and the federal government, he was responsible for alleviating poverty in the Blackbelt region as well as fostering integration. He said he went to Atlanta University for training and then conducted sensitivity trainings throughout the region with students and communities. He said that they were some of the most productive experiences of his career. He was given a budget of sixteen thousand dollars for programs to alleviate poverty in the Blackbelt. He took that $16,000 and turned it into millions of dollars that flowed into the Blackbelt. He also founded a teacher's credit union that operates on a budget of over twelve million dollars.
He said that when he was working for OCAP, he had a white secretary. The head of the local Ku Klux Klan did not like this. One night he said he got a call from the grandmaster. The man asked him, "You have a white secretary?" My uncle told him yes. The man asked him, "Don't you travel down -whatever highway-going home at night?" My uncle told him yes. The man asked him, "Well, aren't you scared?" My uncle told him no, because if he wanted to do something he had better come on and bring Jesus with him because if he had to go, he intended to take him with him. He said he always traveled with a gun at his side. When my uncle died, the governor of Alabama sent a letter of condolence to be read at his funeral. In his lifetime, he not only started a credit union, implemented the headstart program in the Blackbelt region along with other social welfare programs, he had also helped to organize the first NAACP chapter in the Blackbelt region. He was recognized by the NAACP for this with an award in 2001.
Tuesday, August 18, 2009
Monday, August 17, 2009
Blessings For Troy Anthony Davis!
The Supreme Court has granted him a new hearing!
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